On the first day of class, regardless of the course, I always ask students, “Why are you here?”  As one would expect, the answers range from the practical, “It’s a required course for my degree,” to “I read the catalogue description and it seemed interesting,” to “I was curious when I read your reviews on ‘RateMyProfessor.com’ and several suggest your classes are unique.“  Then I wait and say nothing.

On a good day, a brave student will eventually ask, “So, why are YOU here?”  But just in case that does not happen, my next slide initiates the discussion.  The answer is simple, “Fate!”  How else does someone with three degrees in political science and 13 years in state government end his career as a professor of entrepreneurship in a business school.  It is a long story and I won’t bore you with it.  The teaching moment during the ensuing classroom exchange focuses on opportunity.  When someone shares an idea or suggests  you might be a good fit for their organization and asks, “Have you ever thought about …?” even if the answer is no, your response should be, “But I will now!”

Once I revealed my academic credentials at the start of my Milan class, several students began asking my opinion about Donald Trump, what I thought would happen in 2020 and whether Italy, in the midst of its own “populist” fervor, could learn anything from the American experience.  After admitting I am a loyal member of the anti-Trump resistance and hope an overwhelming majority of 2020 voters would see Trump for the conman he is, I shared the same advice I gave you, my readers, on November 1.  Forget American politics for now.  Pay closer attention to Great Britain.

As I have said in previous blog entries, I hate it when I’m right.  Such was the case as exit polls Thursday night signaled an overwhelming victory for Boris Johnson’s Conservative Party.  With 365 of 650 seats in the House of Commons, voters in the United Kingdom (and I use the term “united” loosely) gave the Tories a mandate.  The problem?  Nobody seems to be quite sure what the mandate is for.  Prime Minister Johnson ran largely on the platform of finalizing Brexit, something polls suggest a majority of citizens still oppose.

What’s more, Britain parliamentary elections now seem to be the equivalent of our electoral college.  Can the Conservative Party really declare a mandate when 56.4 percent of all ballots were cast for someone other than Tory candidates?  Despite the fact voter motivation is as clear as London on a foggy night, media pundits in both England and the United States have posited various explanations, including:

• It did not depend whether one was for or against Brexit. Sentiment was more about moving on after three years of on-again, off-again negotiations with the European Union.  As Larry the Cable Guy would say, “Just, get ‘er done.”
• The election was about the lesser of two evils. Johnson went into the election with net approval rating of -20 (36-56).  Not to be outdone, Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn entered Thursday’s plebiscite with an unprecedented -44 net approval rating (24-68).  And, as I have said before, when there are two evils, voters will look to a third alternative.  Labour and Liberal Democratic losses in Scotland did not translate into Conservative gains.  Instead, the separatist Scottish National Party picked up 13 seats including the one held by Liberal Democratic leader Jo Swinson.
• The loss of long-time Labour constituencies including blue collar workers and the Jewish community. More about this later.
• Labour’s taking its cues from social media rather than the general populous. The day before the election Labour leaders were predicting a close vote or even a party victory based on the Facebook and Twitter enthusiasm for their cause.

The truth?  This is not an either/or situation.  All the above can be true at the same time, which gives the Democratic party much food for thought when it comes to 2020.  Let’s take these one by one.

1. Focus on things that have gone unresolved for the past decade.   Infrastructure investment. Comprehensive immigration reform.  Sensible gun regulation.  Again, it should be no surprise voters are intrigued by a 37 year-old mayor of a middle-sized city.  Forget policy.  They want someone to fill the potholes.
2. Understand the difference between likeability and favorability. It’s not about a drinking partner.  It’s about who Americans see as a role model, representing us at home and on the world stage.
3. Remember who brought you to the dance. Working stiffs (male and female, black and white, young and old) who care about bread-and-butter issues.  Articulate a clear vision of the future where they will have a different, but indispensable role, in the economy despite automation and global competition.  And how that value will be compensated.
4. Stop talking about identity politics which undermines party unity. Despite every effort, Corbyn was unable to shake perceptions of anti-Semitism once he referred to Hamas and Hezbollah as “friends.”  Instead, he could have talked about how he understood the fears and grievances on both side of the Israel/Palestinian conflict but its hard to support either when one side keeps lobbing missiles and vows to push the other into the sea.  And the other gives its adversary the middle finger by expanding settlements on land that is a bargaining chip in any permanent resolution.
5. Start talking about identify politics. How farmers and inner-city residents are both victims of Trump’s unnecessary trade wars.  How parents’ concerns about their children’s future are legitimate whether the threat is addiction to methamphetamine or being the victim of a stray bullet while sitting on the front porch.
6. Remember, America is a democracy not a “Tweetocracy.” The overwhelming majority of voters are just to the left or right of center.  And they shift from one side to the other when respectfully presented with a better vision and solutions to real problems.
7. And finally, grow some cajones! When, on the debate stage or in a one-on-one interview, candidates are asked irrelevant questions, respond by asking a better one.  For example, every contender has been quizzed whether they plan to raise taxes.  Sorry, but that’s not the right question.  It’s not about how much but what you get in return.  Do we question consumers who pay more for the latest smartphone?  They decide whether it is worth the additional expense based on the utility and features.  Just ask voters in Kansas and Louisiana.  Under low-tax GOP governors, both states saw a decline in the quality of public services, the most evident being education.  Both former solidly red states are now run by Democrats who raised taxes to restore public investment and services voters sorely missed.

Bottom line?  Johnson’s 43.6 percent “landslide” should be a warning Trump could win re-election despite his current 41.9 percent approval rating (Source: FiveThirtyEight).  Stopping counting a candidate’s social media hits; pay more attention to polls of random voters.  And finally, control the narrative.

One way to do this is by taking a page out of the Silicon Valley playbook.  It is called “coopetition.”  Founders and investors in high-tech companies realized, if they worked together to grow the “industry,” there would be enough demand for any legitimate player to succeed.  Prior to the next debate, the participating Democratic contenders should come together and decide, in advance, this is how we want promote our “industry,” the Democratic Party brand  Within those parameters, we can present how each of us can contribute to the overall growth of our common constituency.

HISTORICAL FOOTNOTE:  The title of today’s post is a play on “Why England Slept,” John F. Kennedy’s thesis while a student at Harvard University.  Later published with a foreword by Henry Luce, the text focuses on Great Britain’s failure to recognize the Nazi threat and prevent World War II.

For what it’s worth.
Dr. ESP